The Labour Party Continues To Pay The Price For Its Broken Election Promises And Betrayal Of The Electorate

The 25 councillors who have left the Labour Party over its role in government

It’s not a list which will make good reading for Eamon Gilmore or those still in the Labour Party…

THEJOURNAL.IE 30/10/2013

Updated 4.10pm

AS THE JUNIOR coalition party, Labour has taken the brunt of the criticism for its role in the coalition government over the last two-and-a-half years.

Having now passed the mid-point of its term in government, the party has already suffered a number of high-profile departures from its parliamentary party, including a junior health minister and its chairman.

But at a local level Labour is also suffering and not just in the polls.

TheJournal.ie now estimates that a total of 25 councillors or nearly 10 per cent of its total number have left the party since 2011.

All of those directly identified Labour’s role in government as the main or one of the reasons for their departure. The list does not include those who have retired or left for other reasons.

In chronological order, here is the full list of resignations so far…

(Note: This article has been updated noting that Paul Bell did not resign from the Labour Party while Noel Frawley was a former councillor when he resigned his membership. The article has also been updated to add the names of Paul O’Shea, Billy Bourke, Bobby Dunphy, Frank McBrearty and Paddy Bourke)

2011

1.   Granard town councillor Tommy Stokes resigned from the party in October, saying he had become “disillusioned” with Labour in the seven months since it entered coalition. He even revealed his intentions to vote for Seán Gallagher and not Michael D Higgins as president.

2.   In November, Clonmel councillor Gabrielle Egan quit Labour, saying that she did not feel comfortable with the decisions the party was making in government, less than a year after it had entered coalition.

3.   Macroom town councillor Con Foley quit the party in December of that year, saying that it had continued the policies of the previous administration since going into government with Fine Gael, a move he had not originally been in favour of.

4.   New Ross town councillor Bobby Dunphy resigned from Labour over the coalition’s first Budget which he described as the “last straw” in December of that year. Dunphy later resigned from the council altogether resulting in the seat reverting back to Labour who co-opted one of its members on to it. Dunphy said this was part of an agreement with local Labour members and said his gripe was with the party’s “top brass”.

2012

5.   Things were relatively quiet until April of last year when Mary Loftus, the mayor of Tuam, quit the party, saying part of the reason was Labour’s performance in government. She also referred scathingly to Finance Minister Michael Noonan as a “moron”.

6.   Ennis town councillor Paul O’Shea tendered his resignation from the party in September over “draconian cuts” to home and community care.

7.   South Tipperary county councillor Darren Ryan resigned in November, saying that Labour had “forgotten its founders and birthplace”.

8.   Fellow South Tipp councillor Billy Bourke also resigned that month, citing disillusionment with the party and the lack of opposition to the abolition of town councils.

9.   Clonakilty-based councillor Aidan Pendlebury resigned in December – one of a number to quit over the Budget – citing the “constant refusal” of the parliamentary party to listen to councillors.

10.               Also that month, former Progressive Democrats TD and Longford town councillor Mae Sexton, left the Labour just two years after she joined it, citing concerns over the Budget.

11.               Midleton town councillor Tom Cashman hit out at Labour’s broken promises and also the decisions in relation to the Budget when he resigned in the same month.

2013

12.               The year began with Wexford councillor and former mayor David Hynes hitting out at the party, resigning over its policy in government. He said Labour was turning its back on the people it claimed to represent.

13.               In March, Tipperary County councillor Bobby Fitzgerald resigned his seat and as a member of Labour telling of his concerns over the party losing “its core values”.

14.               This summer and autumn has been a bloodbath for Labour with a raft of resignations. In May, Limerick city councillor and mayor Gerry McLoughlin quit the party, identifying a lack of support for projects in his community.

15 and 16. In June two members of Wicklow County Council, Tom Fortune and Barry Nevin, resigned after the Tánaiste Eamon Gilmore failed to respond to their request for a meeting. Fortune said that the leadership had “totally lost touch” with councillors.

17. Also that month, Galway County councillor Shaun Cunniffe also left the party but it wasn’t austerity which did it for him, rather it was the party’s position on abortion and the decision to legislate for the X Case.

18. In July, Meath county councillor Jenny McHugh defected to Fianna Fáil, saying it had become increasingly clear that Fianna Fáil and not Labour shared her values.

19. The former mayor of Fingal County Council Cian O’Callaghan also resigned in July saying that Labour was lacking a backbone. “Of course, there has to be compromises,” he said of coalition. “But it hasn’t been fair at all.”

20. In September, Newbridge town councillor Damian Molyneaux said he was “disillusioned with the whole lot” when he resigned in September.

21. Also in Kildare that month, the party lost Athy town councillor and mayor Thomas Redmond, who defected to Sinn Féin and criticised Labour’s “lies” and “broken promises”.

22. In October, Skibbereen town councillor Frank Fahy quit the party, citing its arrogance in power, comparing it to Fianna Fáil in government.

23. In the same month, Donegal county councillor and former mayor Frank McBrearty Jr resigned from Labour, citing broken promises by the party.

24. Yesterday, Killarney town councillor and former mayor Seán O’Grady criticised the party’s abandonment of “red line issues”, saying the people paying the price of austerity are the ones the party has historically protected.

25. Today, Dublin city councillor Paddy Bourke resigned from the party.

First published 10.24am

With thanks to Politics.ie and It Only Encourages Them.

Have we missed any? Let us know in the comments or email hugh@thejournal.ie

Sinn Féin Mountmellick – Serving The Community

An Ireland Of Equals? (Public Sector & Political Elites Look After Themselves)

Public sector elites made sure they didn't lose out on bumper packages

Sunday Independent

26 OCTOBER 2013

IT is said that the first thing the mandarins in the Department of Finance do when they examine a Budgetary proposal is check to see how it will affect them.

You can be pretty sure that is exactly what happened when the Government finally got around to implementing the commitment in the Programme for Government to limit the size of pensions that people can build up for tax relief purposes to €60,000 a year. A way had to be found around this to ensure that retiring public servants and politicians continued to end their working days on bumper pensions.

The €60,000 a year amounts to an overall pension pot of €2m.

Private sector employees in common defined contribution schemes will be hit from January with the €60,000 pension limit.

But two things were done to ensure that the big retirement incomes in the public sector were protected. First, a complicated calculation is being used to ensure that the older the person retiring is, the higher pension they can get out with. Those up to the age of 70 are the big winners here.

So that looks after the judges who whinged hard last year that they would lose out under the plans to cap pensions at just €60,000 a year. Then there was the other little shimmy.

Defined benefit pension entitlements accrued up to the end of this year are protected.

This applies to all public sector employees and those in private sector defined benefit schemes. The mandarins had to allow private sector defined benefit schemes into the party, but it is a moot point as most are in deficit.

The net effect of all of this is that private sector employees in common defined contribution schemes will be hit from January with the €60,000 pension limit, while those in the public sector won't see the limit fully applied until January 2054.

Public servants retiring in the next five years will be able to enjoy a pension of up to €115,000.

The elites win again.

Sinn Féin Mountmellick – Serving The Community

Stanley Seeks Answers On Wind Farm Developments In Irish Midlands

Dáil debates

Wednesday, 23 October 2013

Ceisteanna - Questions - Priority Questions

Alternative Energy Projects

Brian Stanley (Laois-Offaly, Sinn Fein)


2. To ask the Minister for Environment, Community and Local Government the proposed new guidelines for the siting of wind farms; if he will have regulations brought forward to protect residents who are living in areas where it is proposed to locate commercial turbines; and if he will ensure that any relevant Heads of Bill are brought before the Joint Committee for Environment, Culture and the Gaeltacht [44943/1

Jan O'Sullivan (Limerick City, Labour)


My Department is currently undertaking a targeted review of the Wind Energy Guidelines 2006 focusing on noise, proximity and shadow flicker. In the interim, these comprehensive guidelines remain in place to ensure that all proposed wind energy developments are subjected to careful scrutiny by the relevant planning authority. They provide advice to planning authorities on catering for wind energy through the development plan and development management processes. The guidelines are also intended to ensure a consistency of approach throughout the country in the identification of suitable locations for wind energy development and the treatment of planning applications for such developments.

The guidelines were issued under section 28 of the Planning and Development Act 2000 which requires both planning authorities and An Bord Pleanála to have regard to them in the performance of their functions. The indicative timetable for the publication of the draft revised guidelines is quarter 4 of 2013. These will – like all other new or revised guidelines – go out for extensive public consultation for a period of six weeks to two months to allow for publication of the final guidelines in 2014. All interested parties, including the joint committee, are welcome to make written submissions during this consultation period.

Once the consultation period is closed, the submissions received on the draft guidelines will be considered and taken into account in the final form of the guidelines. The final revised guidelines will issue under section 28 of the Planning and Development Act 2000, which again will require both planning authorities and An Bord Pleanála to have regard to them.

Does this answer the above question?
Yes!

Brian Stanley (Laois-Offaly, Sinn Fein)


I thank the Minister of State for her reply. I am raising this matter because concerns about wind farms are growing across the midlands. Even people who support wind energy are concerned about the approach being taken on it. The Minister of State mentioned guidelines to which projects must have regard when seeking planning permission. She knows, however, that there are two weaknesses in that argument. The first is the word "guidelines" which can be pulled to whatever length one wants, like an elastic band. Second, the term "have regard to" can mean reading the guidelines before shredding them. That term can mean anything and is not descriptive. We do not have an adequate regime in place. We need to have a moratorium on siting wind farms until proper guidelines are in place. The Government should put such guidelines in place. The Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources said recently that one company has paused its projects for nine months. I am asking for them all to be paused until we have regulations in place.

Jan O'Sullivan (Limerick City, Labour)

For quite some time, I have made it clear what the timelines are concerning the guidelines.

I am aware of the concerns expressed. There is a big difference between wind energy produced for export and wind energy which will be used in the context of Ireland meeting its targets. In regard to the wind energy produced for export, this cannot happen until agreement has been reached between the two Governments and the policy framework being developed in the Department of Communications, Energy and Natural Resources has been completed. Such projects will also have to go through a rigorous planning process. As such, no wind energy project will go ahead in the next nine months. This cannot happen until all of the processes outlined have been completed. Work on the policy framework being developed by the Department of Communications, Energy and Natural Resources will be ongoing throughout next year. People can be assured that any projects involving wind energy for export will not be proceeding any time in the near future.

Brian Stanley (Laois-Offaly, Sinn Fein)


If projects involving wind energy for export are being delayed because of policy development, should projects involving wind energy for domestic use not also be delayed? We are talking in this regard about huge developments. I ask that a maximum height be imposed in respect of turbines, some of which will be 600 ft. or 185 m in height. I believe restrictions in terms of maximum height should be imposed and that a minimum setback should also be imposed. We need this type ofprotection for local communities.

Has the Government undertaken a cost benefit analysis of the wind energy industry? Mr. Colm McCarthy and other economists have questioned the viability of such projects, in particular those being built in the midlands, which in terms of the generation of electricity will be enormous. Time does not permit me to quote what they have had to say but I can share the quotations with the Minister of State if she wishes. Has the Government undertaken a cost benefit analysis of the industry?

Jan O'Sullivan (Limerick City, Labour)


Extensive work in this regard is being done in the Department of Communications, Energy and Natural Resources. The Deputy would need to table a parliamentary question to the Minister to get the detail in that regard.

On height and so on, all these issues have a bearing on noise, proximity and so on, which issues form part of what is being considered in the review of the guidelines. As stated, a draft of the guidelines will be published before the end of this year. Up to two months will be provided for consultation on the draft guidelines. I hope the relevant committee will find time to consider them. Assuming the draft guidelines are published before the end of this year and taking into account the following two months for consultation, the final guidelines will probably not be published until the first quarter of next year.

Sinn Féin Mountmellick – Serving The Community

Economic benefits of a United Ireland plain to see Murphy tells New Ireland conference

19 October, 2013 - by Conor Murphy

Sinn Féin Economy spokesperson, Conor Murphy MP (Newry/Armagh) told a packed New Ireland conference in London this evening (Saturday 19th Oct) that the economic benefits of a United Ireland are plain to see.

There is no doubt that a planned and agreed approach to economic development across the island of Ireland would have a positive impact on trade, investment, economic growth, workforce skills, productivity, innovation, research and development.


Even those politically opposed to reunification do not attempt to contradict this analysis but continue to use unverifiable and unsustainable arguments about dependence on subsistence from the British Exchequer and scare tactics about the ‘South’ not able to afford us.


If they are so secure in these assertions what do they have to fear by examining the case for economic integration on the island as a precursor to political integration. Sinn Féin believes that there is potential in an all-Ireland situation, with larger economies of scale, with a population of six-and-a-half million people, with all of the different fiscal regulations and transaction costs being regularised, that you will actually create a better economy.


The economic arguments against uniting Ireland being put by those opposed to Irish unity are full of misinformation. Not only is the British Exchequer refusing to provide verifiable figures for revenue generated in the North but proponents of the union with Britain produce figures that they claim a new national government in Ireland would have to replace as though absolutely no revenue is generated in the North at all.


A new national Government in Ireland would not automatically have to replace the £10billion subvention that it is claimed the Northern executive receives from the Westminster government.


If you scrutinise the figures - which we have been doing for quite a period of time - the £10 billion actually contains up of £6 billion that you wouldn’t be required to spend in an indigenous all-Ireland economy.


For instance we wouldn’t be helping fund the exploits of the British army, Imperial museums in England, Scotland and Wales, umpteen members of royalty, their entourages and their dozens of residences and the other myriad of areas that are simply to do with the British establishment.


And this doesn’t take account of the savings that would be realised through the elimination of the duplication of every tier and aspect of government on the island of Ireland.


The north cannot realise its full economic potential operating in isolation from the rest of the island while being held to ransom by the stay as we are at all costs ideology of political unionism and island of Britain focused economic policies of the British Exchequer.


Having an all-island corporation tax policy would help create thousands of jobs in the north, yet David Cameron puts his political fight with Scotland ahead of the economic interests of the North of Ireland. An all-Ireland air passenger duty would help in the quest for new routes to Europe, North America, the Middle East and Asia, forging key links to growing economies. It would help attract Foreign, Direct Investors and encourage more tourists to come to our shores. The promotion of the island as a single market would also produce dividends in these areas.


The mantra that the price tag of Irish re-unification is too costly is predicated on highly dubious guesstimates by the British Treasury, Unionist politicians and partitionist elements in the South of Ireland. Accurate figures on all revenue raised and actual expenditure specifically relevant to the north of Ireland are being deliberately withheld by the British Treasury, Excise and Customs and conveniently ignored by successive DUP Finance Ministers.


It does not make economic sense to have an island nation of 6.5 million people split into two separate tax, currency and legal systems and two separate economies with split populations of 4.6m and 1.9m people in competition with each other. 
In the context of Irish Unity there would be a sovereign government able to access the full range of fiscal facilities required to build an economy specifically conducive to the needs of the population of the whole island while the additional – and growing - population would contribute through the full range of taxation measures to the Irish Exchequer. It would provide economies of scale and a bigger market with more effective indigenous industries and greater ability to attract FDI. Transactions costs would be eliminated thus leading to greater efficiencies. With national integration we would be in a stronger position to access not only existing European, American and British markets but the emerging markets of South America and Asia.


A new stronger economy arising from the integration of both existing states into a new, agreed Ireland can deliver sustainable economic prosperity that the present status quo is incapable of delivering. 
We need a new approach to economic development across the island, one which does not promote austerity, perpetuate two fractured economies, and force thousands of young people to emigrate in search of employment opportunities
There is no difference between the effect of the London or Dublin austerity policies that are crippling the lives of our people. But co-operation alone will not deliver prosperity for the people of Ireland. An economy which is built on fairness and equality will deliver a brighter future for all our people in a United Ireland.


There is a better way for the people of Ireland and it is through taking control of our own sovereign economic and political destiny. I challenge those opposed to Irish Unity to enter the debate based on full disclosure of accurate economic figures and not on the basis of scaremongering and the misrepresentation of revenue streams.

Sinn Féin Mountmellick - Serving The Community